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Sodomy Laws are part of a dark tradition in
this nation. They are meant only to demonize and marginalize a
class of human beings. |
By Anna Quindlen
Reprinted
from Newsweek
WEDDING ANNOUNCEMENTS TRACK AMERICAN social
history. Once they were the purview of the well-to-do, and the
stereotypical division of roles was in the published details: the
groom's work, the bride's gown. Point d'esprit, sweetheart neckline,
Alencon lace: how quaint it all seems. In the blink of an eye,
historically speaking, the dress disappeared and in its place was a
working woman, sometimes one who was keeping her own name. The
idealized gave way to the real. A previous marriage had ended in
divorce. The ring bearer was the 5-year-old son of the bride and
groom. And couples of all classes, religions and races eventually
smiled out from the pages of the daily papers.
So it said something about how the world works today when newspapers
began to run announcements of the commitment ceremonies of gay men and
lesbians. Although about 10 percent of America's dailies now do so,
The New York Times got the most mileage from the decision because of
its position as the industry gold standard. From the beginning it was
just as the opponents feared: the same-sex announcements read so very
much like the ones that surrounded them that they came close to simply
blending in, the union of one well-educated documentary producer and
psychotherapist reading very much like another.
That the Times as recently as 50 years ago referred to gay men as
"deviants" in its pages and today is willing to report the joyous
union of Daniel Gross and Steven Goldstein is a reflection of the ways
of the world. Newspapers are essentially conservative in their
internal decisions; they do not make social policy, only reflect it
once it moves convincingly from the fringe into the mainstream.
The U.S. Supreme Court is not in the business of making social policy
either. Nor is its job to reflect it, only to interpret the law
intelligently without regard for popularity or prejudice. It
conspicuously failed in this mission in 1986 when the justices were
asked to rule on the constitutionality of state sodomy laws. From
almost any legal promontory, their decision ought to have been clear.
Hark back to Griswold v. Connecticut and the right to privacy in
intimate affairs; use an equal-protection argument, given that law
enforcement has traditionally granted heteros a free pass on conduct
that is prosecuted among gay men and lesbians. But strike those
statutes down.
Instead the court went the other way. As egregious as the decision was
the lack of real jurisprudence in the pamphleteering of the majority
opinion, which sounded as if it had been written by Cotton Mather
during a particularly dirty-minded phase of adolescence. Years later,
Justice Lewis Powell, who tipped the 5-4 balance, said he was sorry he
had voted as he had.
So when the court announced recently that it would hear a Texas case
that considered the same issue, the announcement suggested that the
justices, too, saw the error of the earlier decision and might redress
it. Every citizen who cares about what America is supposed to stand
for should be rooting for that result. The sodomy laws are part of a
dark tradition in this nation; they do not exist, and have never
existed, to serve the public weal. They are meant only to demonize and
marginalize a class of human beings. In this, their closest corollary
is the now reviled Jim Crow laws, which excluded black Americans from
hotels and restaurants and consigned them to separate schools and
restrooms, not because it served any civic purpose but because it was
a way to signal that black men and women were inferior. The sodomy
laws may be the last laws standing that exist purely for the purpose
of codifying and justifying bigotry.
The story of the Texas case the court is preparing to hear reveals
just how such statutes turn a free country into a police state. Two
consenting male adults were in the midst of a private act of sexual
congress in the apartment of one when the police burst in. The men
were arrested, jailed overnight and fined. The police showed up in the
first place because of a tip by a neighbor of a "weapons disturbance."
The neighbor himself was later jailed, convicted of filing a false
report. He could be forgiven for thinking this result unfair, since in
his behavior he seems to have been merely mimicking the government,
monitoring private acts, targeting individuals on the basis of sexual
orientation.
This is simply not supposed to be a country in which the law is a
flimsy cover for punishing the unpopular. Nevertheless, America's
history has been a history of doing just that, whether to immigrants,
religious or racial groups, and then eventually having to admit
remorse and self-disgust. (See "Trent Lott: The Apology Tour.") There
is an irony in the fact that when newspapers in some states are
printing the announcements of civil unions by gay men and lesbians,
they are also printing the names of sexual desperadoes, breaking the
law in the name of love. To resolve that peculiar dissonance does not
require the high court to bow to culture change but instead to return
to its own defining principles of fairness and freedom, to turn away
from the prejudice that, last time out, substituted prurience for
jurisprudence.
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